All transaction dates in this dataset. {{ formatMoney(currentYearSpend) }} is dated 2026; $280,190 is dated 2025 and $5,093 carries a reported 2001 date that needs verification.
Revealing the Money in Georgia Politics
Independent Committee Tracker
Dark Money is Flooding Georgia Races
Independent committees have reported {{ formatMoney(totalOutsideSpend) }} in spending to boost or attack candidates in Peachfile records downloaded October 19, 2026. This spending is separate from candidates' own fundraising. Outside spending is not all anonymous: some donors are disclosed, while other funding passes through organizations whose original donors are not identified here.
People or campaign committees named in outside spending records.
Updated October 19, 2026
Sports betting remains the largest identified bloc
American Conservative Fund Action Georgia, American Future and the Sports Betting Alliance committee together account for {{ formatMoney(sportsBettingSpend) }}, or {{ sportsBettingShare }}% of reported outside spending. That is the largest identified industry-linked bloc, but not a majority. American Conservative Fund Action Georgia accounts for $8.55 million and American Future for $3.76 million.
Win for America's latest FEC summary shows $72 million raised nationally through June 30, 2026. Its itemized receipts identify DraftKings' DK Crown Holdings ($34 million), FanDuel ($27 million), Fanatics' FBG Enterprises ($5.5 million) and bet365's Hillside (Shared Services US) ($5.5 million). This national funding pool is not a measure of Georgia spending and must not be added to the state expenditure total.
The latest Peachfile download brings reported independent spending to $31.64 million, an increase of $615,674.73 since the October 10 snapshot, with 27 additional transactions. Multi-candidate expenses are divided evenly for target-level estimates. Committee receipts retain the earlier complete download where the new bulk file omits previously reported donations; the federal upstream trace remains dated October 10.
Beyond Sports Betting
Political networks are another part of the money trail
The refreshed federal records reveal concentrated funding behind other committees active in Georgia. Some paths lead to named donors; others stop at another organization. A disclosed donor is not anonymous dark money, and a national funding connection does not establish how much of that donor's money reached a Georgia race.
First Principles PAC depends heavily on one unresolved source
Lexington Fund supplied $6.65 million, about 82% of First Principles PAC's itemized federal receipts. Our trace does not identify Lexington Fund's original donors. First Principles separately reported $623,477 in Georgia spending. This is a substantial Georgia presence with a funding trail that still stops at an intermediary, not evidence that Lexington's entire national transfer was spent here. Explore First Principles PAC or view federal receipts.
Education-policy money has identifiable major funders
AFC Victory Fund's federal receipts include $4 million from Jeff Yass and $500,000 each from Dick and Betsy DeVos. AFC is aligned with school-choice advocacy and separately reported $566,063 in Georgia spending. Those named contributions make part of its financing visible; they should not be described as anonymous donations or assigned dollar-for-dollar to Georgia. Explore AFC Victory Fund or view federal receipts.
A large national network can have a small Georgia footprint
Club for Growth Action supplied $1.35 million, about 84% of American Values First's itemized federal receipts. Club for Growth's own national receipts include Restoration of America PAC ($20 million), Jeff Yass ($16.5 million) and Peter Thiel ($1.5 million). But American Values First reported just $3,473 in Georgia spending, opposing Dionne Hoskins-Brown in a Chatham County school board race. The upstream millions describe the broader network, not the price of that local campaign. Explore American Values First or view its federal receipts and Club for Growth's receipts.
The Money Behind The Money
Top Upstream Sources
{{ traceCoverage }} These are national donor pools, not dollars allocated to Georgia. Receipts with the same federal record ID are counted once across traced paths.
{{ index + 1 }}
{{ source.name }}
{{ formatMoney(source.amount) }}
{{ source.read }}
PACs connected in this dataset
Upstream Investigation
Where the donor trail stops
These large reported funders need more disclosure before their money can be assigned to an industry or original donor. Receipt amounts below are transfers into Georgia committees, not additional spending.
{{ finding.name }}
{{ formatMoney(finding.georgia_receipts) }} reported to {{ finding.georgia_recipient }}. {{ finding.status }}.
{{ finding.finding }}
Source | Additional sourceWhere It Lands
Top Recipients Of Outside Spending
These candidates and campaign committees were named in the most outside spending. Supportive spending can be a boost; opposition spending is the attack side of the same system.
Top Democratic Recipients
{{ formatMoney(recipient.total) }}
{{ electionResultLabel(recipient) }}
Top Republican Recipients
{{ formatMoney(recipient.total) }}
{{ electionResultLabel(recipient) }}
Who Feeds The Committees
Top Direct Contributors
{{ traceCoverage }} These federal receipts may cover activity outside Georgia. Transfers are shown separately from ultimate donor pools and must not be added together as new money.
| Contributor | Money Trail | Amount |
|---|---|---|
|
{{ contributor.name }}
{{ chip }}
{{ contributor.read }}
|
{{ committee.name }}{{ index < Math.min(contributor.committees.length, 2) - 1 ? ', ' : '' }} +{{ contributor.committees.length - 2 }} more | {{ formatMoney(contributor.amount) }} |
GA FastMoney groups Peachfile independent expenditure targets by allocated parent transaction amount. Upstream funding is traced from the IE Spending workflow using state and federal records where a committee match was available.